The village's later development made the Ha Tsuen complex in 1970 finally dominate a network of 14 satellite villages whose (non-Tang) residents were once tenants of the Tangs landlords. These satellites were subject to Ha Tsuen's political control and even then many remained under Ha Tsuen's 'protection.' (Watson, 2004, p. 23.)

     The ceremony of Spring Rites, which takes places in You Gong Tang in the second lunar month, is the most important ritual for the Tangs lineage in Ha Tsuen. Rubie Watson has observed the ceremony closely studies its relation to development of Tangs lineage. This report, based mainly on her study and supplemented by my personal observation in 2004, shows how a Chinese lineage was formed and reflected in a ritual.

     Watson argues that it is incorrect to consider lineage formation as a natural biological development. In the case of Tang's lineage in Ha Tsuen, in as early as the 14th century, different groups of Tangs' households scattered in a number of neighboring hamlets, were not drawn into a unified lineage until the mid-18th century. Emergence of a powerful unified Tang lineage in Ha Tsuen is a response to an economic boom in the Pearl River Delta, aiming to capture more opportunities by a joint lineage. Tangs and other local lineages thrived in the absence of an effective state control and soon came to dominate political life in many parts of Canton Delta. These lineages controlled markets, temple committees, and the local defense corps. (Watson, 2004, p. 45.)

     In mid-18th century, the Tangs in Ha Tsuen decided to build their ancestral hall. This decision, however, was beyond a mere issue of constructing a building to concerning constructing a lineage: defining members of the lineage.

     In the process of constructing their lineage, the Tangs encountered some obstacles, the trickiest of all, was the absence of a focal ancestor around whom disparate families, lines, and residential clusters in Ha Tsuen could unite. Unlike other neighboring lineages, Tangs of Ha Tsuen had not only one founder, but three. According to the genealogy of the Tangs, these three founders were named Tang Hung-sheng, Tang Hung-hui and Tang Hung-zhi, who were all of the ninth generation in the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) decent from a common ancestor of Tang Shou-tsu. (Watson, 2004, p. 36.)

     Despite the requirement for a huge input of money for construction, Hung-sheng's descendants were excluded, or chose to be excluded from contributing money, for reasons undetermined. Since Hung-sheng did not contribute to the hall's construction, although they were also living in the Ha Tsuen area, they were not part of the lineage. Therefore, when the Tangs speak of "Ha Tsuen Tang" they refer only to the descendants of Hung-hui and Hung-zhi. This discrimination shows that genealogical relationship was not a full criterion for membership in a lineage. (Watson, 2004, pp. 36, 42.)

     Some descendants of Hung-hui and Hung-zhi acquired additional shares in the formation of the lineage. According to a stone inscription found in You Gong Tang, rents collected from the properties belonging to Hung-hui and Hung-zhi were to pay for the construction of the hall. However, the rent could not fully cover the total construction fee. Forty-eight men under these two branches each contributed 20 taels of silver to complete the construction. These men are referred to as pei xiang zhu, or "benefactors." Their contributions to You Gong Tang gave them certain advantages that could be passed to their descendants. The rights and privileges enjoyed by the benefactors were inscribed on the stone: their descendants have special rights to rental income, and received extra shares of sacrifice pork at the Spring and Autumn Rites held in You Gong Tang every year. (Watson, 2004, pp. 39.)

     Watson notes that You Gong Tang is situated on the "neutral territory" just outside the walls of Ha Tsuen Market, and therefore not within the confines of any particular hamlet. (Watson, 2004, pp. 39.) The hall measures approximately 120 feet by 50 feet and is divided into three distinctive chambers. An iron gate and a set of large wooden doors guard the halls only entrance. (Watson, 1985, p. 40.)

     Against the wall of the last chamber is an enormous and elaborately carved wooden altar on which stands and holds 103 tablets arranged in 6 rows with the two founders at the centre of the top row. Each generation follows in succession of rows, with the bottom tier listing tablets of several 22nd generation's Tangs. It is believed that each of these wooden tablets contains one aspect of an ancestor's soul. On each tablet is carved the ancestor's surname, generation name, and personal name (three characters) followed by a set phrase, "the place of the spirit" (shen chu wei, lit. "spirit host seat"). The ancestor's generation number, titles (if any), and his wives' surnames are also included. These tablets, of course, do not represent all the Ha Tsuen Tang in the past. According to the villagers, new tablets are placed in a hall only at the time of its initial construction or during major renovations, which usually occur every 50 to 100 years. (Watson, 1985, pp. 40-1.)

     Choi, "Chi-cheung, yijiubawu nian chunfenri Xiacun [Dengshi zongci Yougongtang] jizu ji (Notes on the ancestral worship for the Spring Rites in Ha Tusen in 1985)," South China Research Resource Station Newsletter, no. 6 (Jan. 1997), pp. 3-5.

     David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1986.

     Rubie S. Watson, Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

     Rubie S. Watson, "The Creation of a Chinese Lineage: The Teng of Ha Tsuen, 1669-1751," in James L. Watson & Rubie S. Watson, Village Life in Hong Kong: Politics, Gender, and Ritual in the New Territories, Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2004, pp.19-52.